這篇演講開始時(shí)語(yǔ)調(diào)舒緩，但隨著演講的進(jìn)行，調(diào)子越來(lái)越堅(jiān)決，言辭越來(lái)越峻急，態(tài)度越來(lái)越激烈。那么同學(xué)們趕快一起來(lái)看看不自由毋寧死知識(shí)點(diǎn)！

【原文欣賞】《不自由，毋寧死》

在弗吉尼亞州議會(huì)上的演講

（美國(guó)）亨利1775年3月23日

議長(zhǎng)先生：

沒有誰(shuí)比我更加敬佩這些在議會(huì)上發(fā)言的先生們的愛國(guó)熱情和才干了。但是，對(duì)待一個(gè)問(wèn)題每個(gè)人都會(huì)有不同的看法。因此，假如我持有觀點(diǎn)與他們恰恰相反，并且無(wú)所顧忌毫不保留地表達(dá)出來(lái)，希望不會(huì)被認(rèn)為對(duì)他們有何不敬之意。現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)沒有時(shí)間讓我們講客套了。議會(huì)所面臨的問(wèn)題是我們的國(guó)家正處于危難之際。我個(gè)人認(rèn)為，最嚴(yán)重的一點(diǎn)就是關(guān)系到我們是獨(dú)立自主還是被奴役的大問(wèn)題。事關(guān)重大，應(yīng)該準(zhǔn)許人們暢所欲言。如此，我們才有望闡明事實(shí)，完成上帝和國(guó)家托付的重任。此時(shí)此刻，如果因?yàn)楹ε旅胺杆硕３志}默，我會(huì)認(rèn)為自己是在叛國(guó)，是對(duì)比世上所有君王更令人敬畏的天主的不忠。

議長(zhǎng)先生，人類天生就容易沉迷于希望的幻想之中。痛苦的現(xiàn)實(shí)來(lái)臨時(shí)，我們往往會(huì)緊閉雙眼不敢面對(duì)；寧可傾聽海妖的歌聲，直到我們被變成野獸為止。這是聰明人在追求自由的艱苦卓絕的奮斗中所應(yīng)該做的嗎？我們難道愿意做那些對(duì)關(guān)系著能否獲得拯救這樣重大的事情視而不見，聽而不聞的人嗎？就我而言，不管這會(huì)帶給我多大的精神折磨，我都愿意了解全部的事實(shí)和最糟糕的結(jié)果，并為此作好準(zhǔn)備。

經(jīng)驗(yàn)是指導(dǎo)我前進(jìn)的惟一明燈；過(guò)去是判斷未來(lái)的惟一依據(jù)。因此，我想知道英國(guó)政府在過(guò)去十年中有何作為，使得各位有理由信心十足心甘情愿地來(lái)安慰自己也安慰議會(huì)？是因?yàn)樗麄冏罱邮芪覀兊恼?qǐng)?jiān)笗r(shí)所露出的狡詐的笑容嗎？先生們，別相信這些笑容，事實(shí)會(huì)證明這只是一個(gè)圈套。別被人家的一個(gè)吻給出賣了！大家想想：他們?nèi)绱巳蚀鹊亟邮芪覀兊恼?qǐng)?jiān)?，而同時(shí)又在我們的水域、我們的土地上大規(guī)模地備戰(zhàn)，這是多么不協(xié)調(diào)呀！難道愛護(hù)與和解用得著出動(dòng)他們的戰(zhàn)艦和軍隊(duì)嗎？難道我們的愛需要用武力才能挽回嗎？先生們，別再自欺欺人了！這些只是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和征服的手段，是國(guó)王最后的托詞。請(qǐng)問(wèn)各位，如果這些軍事裝備不是用來(lái)迫使我們歸順的，那它們是用來(lái)干什么的呢？哪位先生能告訴我，這還有什么別的意圖嗎？難道在這個(gè)地方，大不列顛王國(guó)還有其他敵人需要用這些龐大的海陸軍隊(duì)來(lái)對(duì)付嗎？不，先生們，沒有其他敵人了！這些就是用來(lái)對(duì)付我們的！它們是英國(guó)政府早就造好，用來(lái)囚禁我們的鎖鏈。我們能用什么來(lái)反抗呢？爭(zhēng)辯嗎？先生們，我們已經(jīng)和他們爭(zhēng)辯10年了！再還有什么話可說(shuō)嗎?我們所能做的都做過(guò)了，然而一切都只是徒勞；難道我們還要卑躬屈膝，搖尾乞憐嗎？我們已經(jīng)用盡了一切辦法。所以，先生們，我懇請(qǐng)你們別再自欺欺人了！為了避免這一場(chǎng)即將來(lái)臨的風(fēng)暴，我們已經(jīng)盡力而為了。我們請(qǐng)?jiān)高^(guò)，我們抗議過(guò)，我們也乞求過(guò)；我們?cè)虻乖趪?guó)王的御座前，哀求他制止政府和國(guó)會(huì)的專制暴行。我們的請(qǐng)?jiān)冈獾矫镆暎覀兊目棺h帶來(lái)的是變本加厲的暴力和侮辱，我們的乞求換來(lái)的是不屑一顧；我們?cè)谔熳幽_下被輕蔑地一腳踢開！事已至此，我們還能沉迷于和平友好的美好幻想之中嗎？已經(jīng)不再有任何希望了！假如我們渴望自由——假如我們真要維護(hù)為之奮斗已久的神圣權(quán)利不受侵犯——假如我們不至于卑鄙到想放棄我們抗?fàn)幰丫?，發(fā)誓不達(dá)目的決不罷休的偉大角逐，那么，我們必須戰(zhàn)斗！我再重復(fù)一遍，先生們，我們必須戰(zhàn)斗！除了訴諸武力，求助于戰(zhàn)神，我們別無(wú)選擇！

先生們，他們說(shuō)我們勢(shì)單力薄，無(wú)力抵抗如此強(qiáng)勁的對(duì)手。但是，我們什么時(shí)候能變得更加強(qiáng)大呢？下周？還是明年？難道非要等到我們被徹底解除武裝，家家戶戶都被英軍占領(lǐng)的時(shí)候嗎？難道優(yōu)柔寡斷，毫無(wú)作為能為我們積聚力量嗎？難道我們能高枕而臥，要等到束手就擒之時(shí)，才能找到退敵的良策嗎？先生們，只要我們懂得如何利用造物主賜予我們的力量，我們就絕不弱小。我們擁有三百萬(wàn)為神圣的自由而武裝起來(lái)的人民，我們擁有這樣一方國(guó)土，這就是敵人任何武力都不可戰(zhàn)勝的力量！況且，先生們，我們并非孤軍作戰(zhàn)。公正之神與我們同在，并主宰著一切國(guó)家的命運(yùn)，并會(huì)喚起朋友們?yōu)槲覀冞M(jìn)行戰(zhàn)斗。先生們，戰(zhàn)斗需要的不只是強(qiáng)大的力量，還需要機(jī)警，積極和勇敢；何況我們已經(jīng)別無(wú)選擇了。即使我們卑怯懦弱，想抽身而出，也已經(jīng)太晚了。我們無(wú)路可退，回首只是屈從和被奴役！囚禁我們的枷鎖早已鑄成，鐐銬的?啷聲回蕩在波士頓平原的上空！戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)在所難免——那就讓它來(lái)吧！先生們，我再說(shuō)一遍，讓它來(lái)吧！

先生們，不用再徒勞地試圖緩和事態(tài)。各位可以高喊和平——但和平并不存在。事實(shí)上戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)打響！很快，從北方席卷而來(lái)的風(fēng)暴就將帶來(lái)隆隆的炮聲！我們的弟兄們已經(jīng)奔赴戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)！為何我們還在此袖手旁觀？各位先生究竟想要什么？又能得到什么？莫非生命如此珍貴，和平如此美好，竟值得我們以鐐銬和奴役為代價(jià)來(lái)獲得？全能的主啊，快阻止他們吧！我不知道別人將選擇怎樣的道路，但對(duì)我來(lái)說(shuō)，不自由，毋寧死！

英文版：

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death

Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

Mr. President: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

簡(jiǎn)介：

不自由，毋寧死（bú zì yóu，wú nìng sǐ），是指如果失去自由，那么不如去死，源于帕特里克·亨利在1775年3月23日于殖民地維吉尼亞議會(huì)演講中的最后一句。帕特里克·亨利 (Patrick Henry,1736～1799),蘇格蘭裔美國(guó)人。他生于弗吉尼亞，是弗吉尼亞殖民地最成功的律師之一，以機(jī)敏和演說(shuō)技巧而著稱。

背景：

《不自由，毋寧死》這篇膾炙人口的演說(shuō)在美國(guó)革命文獻(xiàn)史上占有特殊地位。其時(shí)，北美殖民地正面臨革命與妥協(xié)的歷史性抉擇。亨利以敏銳的政治家眼光，飽滿的愛國(guó)激情，以鐵的事實(shí)駁斥了主和派的種種謬誤，闡述了武裝斗爭(zhēng)的必要性和可能性。從此，“不自由，毋寧死”的口號(hào)激勵(lì)了千百萬(wàn)北美人為自由獨(dú)立而戰(zhàn)，這篇演說(shuō)也成為世界演說(shuō)名篇。

字詞：

沉湎

緬懷

緘口

桎梏

束縛

鐐銬

鍛造

毋寧

縹緲

迄今

陷阱

同胞

1．認(rèn)識(shí)論意義上的自由與歷史唯物主義意義上的自由有著什么樣的相同點(diǎn)？

2．玻爾茲曼自殺的根本原因是什么？

答案：

1．都是通過(guò)人們的選擇行為來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)的，即自由表現(xiàn)為人們對(duì)行為的自愿和自為選擇。

2．玻爾茲曼賴以生活和工作的信念發(fā)生了根本性的危機(jī)，他找不到一條走出困境而重新贏得事業(yè)自由的出路，因而處于一種失去自由的抑郁狀態(tài)，但自由是人類最可寶貴的東西，像玻爾茲曼那樣具有高度文明素養(yǎng)的人看來(lái)，自由一旦喪失，人類的生活就變得索然無(wú)味而不叫人留戀了。

以上就是我們給同學(xué)們整理的不自由毋寧死知識(shí)點(diǎn)啦！

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